Introduction 

Indo-Pacific, as a term, was introduced by former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe in 2007.1  The past decade has witnessed the term gaining currency and also establishing itself in the foreign policy lexicon of several nations (Germany being the most recent).2  The exact contours and priorities for the Indo-Pacific have been variously defined by different nations. This variation could well be attributed to Miles Law, which states that “Where you stand, depends on where you sit,” and although predominantly used in politics, this adage holds salience in international affairs and geo-strategy as well.3 Notwithstanding the varied interpretations, diverse imperatives and differing priorities of stakeholder nations in the Indo-Pacific, some commonalities in their approach to the Indo-Pacific, nonetheless, stand out. First, the Indo-Pacific is emerging as the centre of gravity of global geo-politics and an arena of emerging great power rivalry. Secondly, the unique geography of the region bestows upon the Indo-Pacific a predominant maritime orientation, something that will shape the contours of engagement, discourse and relationships within the Indo-Pacific in the foreseeable future. Thirdly, the interplay between powers in the region lends the Indo-Pacific a cooperative, as well as a competitive connotation.

Cooperation and Competition in the Indo-Pacific

In terms of cooperation, Prime Minister Narendra Modi characterised the Indo-Pacific as a ‘natural region,’ whose destinies are interlinked.4  Most nations in the Indo-Pacific have a core interest in keeping the seas free for trade and commerce. Additionally, the region offers several collaborative opportunities for partner nations, such as harnessing the full potential of the ‘Blue Economy;’ enhancing cross-national connectivity; and increasing intra-regional trade. The region also faces numerous trans-regional challenges such as drugs, piracy, terrorism, Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) fishing, climate change, natural disasters, etc. The wide expanse, and the ‘tyranny of distance’ of the Indo-Pacific, has led to recognition that a cooperative approach is integral to overcoming challenges in the region – “no one can do it alone.” In sum, opportunities as well as common challenges afford an environment to ‘work together’ through a collaborative approach, to strengthen security in the region.

Simultaneously, the ongoing great power competition and resource scarcity lends the region a competitive connotation. In the broader context, competition between ‘status quo’ and ‘revisionist’ powers has shaped recent global interactions, with key elements of the ‘great power rivalry’ being played out in the waters of the Indo-Pacific. Given the intricate inter-dependencies between nations of the region, it is difficult to remain isolated from the ‘ripple effect’ of the ongoing competition. Further, untapped sea-based natural resources (both proven and potential), amidst depleting land-based resources, has exacerbated competition in the region. Differing interpretations of International Law also risks the ‘Indo-Pacific Commons’ being transformed into ‘Contested Seas.’   

India’s Approach to the Indo-Pacific

Amidst these congruencies and contradictions, India’s approach to the Indo-Pacific has been shaped by its quest for regional prosperity and security, since it remains a prerequisite for national development and progress. India is an aspirational power; India’s population constitutes nearly 1/5th of humanity;5 and India aspires to become a $5 trillion economy by 2024.6  The pursuit of this goal is intimately linked to India’s engagements transcending borders, to which end, safe, stable and secure seas are crucial - to progress unhindered trade, harness resources and ensure development, growth, well-being and prosperity of our citizens. An inclusive, rules-based system to manage the maritime commons is, thus, inescapable to support these priorities.

Amidst these imperatives, India’s overall approach to the Indo-Pacific has been ably articulated by our External Affairs Minister, Dr S Jaishankar, “… (for India) the Indo-Pacific is for ‘something’ - not against ‘somebody,’ and that ‘something’ is Peace, Security, Stability, Prosperity and Rules.7  In sum, the idea of a Free, Open and Inclusive Indo-Pacific underscores India’s very approach to the region. The question, however, arises, as to what does  ‘Free,’‘Open’ and ‘Inclusive’ imply? To amplify:-

  • ‘Free’ denotes freedom to progress lawful activities in pursuit of prosperity.

  • ‘Open’ implies availability to all nations both, within the region as also others beyond the region, who have a legitimate stake in the common pursuit of progress and prosperity of the region.

  • ‘Inclusive’ refers to collaborative and cooperative frameworks that do not stand against anyone.

In alignment with these imperatives, India’s outreach in the Indo-Pacific has an unmistakable maritime imprint, anchored in specific national objectives, guidance and priorities:-

  • The concept of Security and Growth for All in the Region, viz. SAGAR, which is closely linked to the maritime element and, in many ways, articulates an overarching Indo-Pacific Strategy.

  • Neighbourhood First, which prioritises engagements within India’s neighbourhood, in alignment with national aims and values.

  • The ‘5S’: Sammaan - Respect; Samwaad - Dialogue; Sahyog - Cooperation; Shanti - Peace; Samriddhi - Prosperity; all concepts which find acceptability and resonance among most nations of the Indo-Pacific.

  • Act East, which is a natural progression of our ‘Look East’ initiative and includes aspects of cooperative security, thus, widening its scope to the broader Indo-Pacific Region.

These imperatives and factors guide India’s pragmatic approach to the Indo-Pacific, which prioritises convergences instead of coalitions, arrangements instead of alliances. As articulated by the External Affairs Minister, “faced with global regimes and coalitions, India chose to turn to more energetic diplomacy…(we) recognise that we are entering into a world of convergences and issue-based arrangements.” 8

Philosophy in the Indo-Pacific - Indian Naval Perspective

As far as navies are concerned, it is often said that “Flag follows Trade” -ergo, navies operate wherever national interests lie. As India’s interests expand, operating farther and outward from Indian shores is a strategic imperative and necessity for the Indian Navy, in consonance with these interests. Indian Navy’s operational philosophy in the Indo-Pacific is, thus, premised on the overarching principle of operating in concert with India’s national interests and endeavours, broadly implemented along three lines of effort: -

  • Line of Effort 1 - Collaborate and Cooperate towards Comprehensive Security. This line of effort emphasises that security in the region is not a ‘zero-sum’ game, and collaboration and cooperation offers compelling benefits in achieving comprehensive security. In concert with this, the Indian Navy has prioritised the following: -
      • Developing the idea of Collective Military Competence to tackle regional challenges. Each navy, or nation, bring certain unique capabilities to the table - whether it is a certain niche area of expertise, information; access, intelligence, geographical locations, assets, etc. Our aim is to create a participative, inclusive ecosystem, where each of these strengths can be harnessed for the collective good, instead of creating a prohibitive, elitist hierarchy of maritime engagement in the region.

      • Coordinating operations with regional navies through Joint Patrols/ EEZ Surveillance/ CORPATs, etc., so that our collective capability could be put to use to ensure safety and security of the maritime commons.

      • Attention to non-traditional security challenges being faced by nations with limited capacities to overcome them. Most of the island littorals, for instance, have their economies closely integrated with the seas. However, their capability to ensure comprehensive maritime security, relative to their responsibility, is limited. Indian Navy’s endeavour has been to partner with such nations in every way feasible, whether in terms of preventing threats, such as narcotics smuggling, human smuggling, IUU fishing, etc., or sharing operational information to help shape responses.

      • Prioritising and exchanging Maritime Domain Awareness by leveraging India’s geo-strategic location. The aim is to develop the Indian Navy as the maritime information hub for the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), towards better awareness and understanding of security developments, as also response capability to collective security challenges. Indian Navy’s Information Fusion Centre -Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) supports this effort through linkages with nearly two dozen countries and MarSec Centres. Participation of International Liaison Officers (ILO) at the IFC-IOR allows nations to harness this resource and assure greater security of the region.

  • Line of Effort 2 - Forge Regional Solutions to Regional Problems. The second line of effort involves developing tailor-made, regional solutions to regional problems, given our intrinsic understanding of the collective challenges faced. Some of the elements include:-

    • The IOR is relatively less integrated in terms of regional security. The Indian Navy actively supports initiatives to bring the region together. To this end, initiatives such as the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS); Goa Maritime Conclave (GMC); MILAN series of interactions; the Indo-Pacific Regional Dialogue; etc., help promote collaborative engagements among maritime forces of the region, forging tailor made responses to challenges faced.

    • Being the ‘First Responder’ and ‘Preferred Security Partner’ for littoral nations. Towards this, Mission Based Deployments have proved invaluable, with the Indian Navy deploying mission ready ships to the farthest reaches of the region. This enables close cooperation and quick response to emergent situations. A case in point was deployment of ships from the First Training Squadron of the Indian Navy to the West Indian Ocean in March 2019. These were the first ships to render assistance when Cyclone Idia struck Mozambique.

    • Apart from operational cooperation, the Indian Navy also aims to be the preferred port of call for capacity building and capability enhancement efforts.

  • Line of Effort 3 - Enhance Reach and Sustenance. ‘Reach’ and ‘Sustenance’ are two key ingredients of naval operations. Towards this, the Indian Navy has prioritised certain enablers: -

    • Standing mutual arrangements with littoral countries for faster operational turn-around of assets.

    • Logistics agreements with like-minded maritime nations for better inter-operability, such as the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) with USA, Logistics Support Agreement (LSA) with Republic of Korea and France, and Reciprocal Logistics Pact (RELOS) with Australia.

Conclusion

As we look to the future, Indo-Pacific would remain the centre of gravity of geo-politics - an arena of cooperation and contestation, while also offering opportunities and newer possibilities. As great power rivalry intensifies, India and the littoral states will not remain isolated from its ripple effects.

India’s approach to issue-based convergence and SAGAR could be a model for like-minded countries in the region to follow. A free, open, rules-based and inclusive maritime ecosystem is crucial for India’s - and indeed the region’s - prosperity. As Indo-Pacific nations look to the future with hope of engendering socio-economic prosperity for their citizens, we must prioritise our convergences to support a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific in the quest for national progress.

The Indian Navy remains fully committed to supporting this free, open and inclusive maritime ecosystem in the Indo-Pacific, in a collaborative and cooperative way.

Endnotes:

  1. Mr Shinzo Abe introduced the “confluence of two seas” - the Indian and Pacific Oceans, during his speech to the Indian Parliament in 2007.

  2. Germany published its Indo-Pacific guidelines on 01 September 2020.

  3. Coined in USA in the Truman era to reflect the state of bureaucratic politics.

  4. PM Narendra Modi’s keynote address at Shangri La Dialogue on 01 June 2018. http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRelease.aspx?relid=179711.

  5. India’s population is 17.7% of the total world population, as on 29 September 2020, based on Worldometer elaboration of the latest United Nations data. www.worldometer.info.

  6. Finance Minister Ms. Nirmala Sitaraman, while presenting the Union Budget 2019-20, projected the aim of India becoming a $ 5 trillion economy by 2024.

  7. PIB Official Press Release titled ‘External Affairs Minister's remarks during Press Interaction with Secretary of State of the United States of America,’ 26 June 2019, https://www.mea.gov.in/Speeches-Statements.htm?dtl/31471/External_ Affairs_ Ministers_remarks_during_Press_Interaction_with_Secretary_of_State_of_the_United_States_ of_America, accessed on 29 May 2020.

  8. EAM Address at 4th Ramnath Goenka Lecture, 2019.